Helping students develop their ability to deliberate political questions is an essential component of democratic education, but introducing political issues into the classroom is pedagogically challenging and raises ethical dilemmas for teachers. Diana E. Hess and Paula McAvoy argue that teachers will make better professional judgments about these issues if they aim toward creating �political classrooms,� which engage students in deliberations about questions that ask, �How should we live together�
Based on the findings from a large, mixed-method study about discussions of political issues within high school classrooms, The Political Classroom presents in-depth and engaging cases of teacher practice. Paying particular attention to how political polarization and social inequality affect classroom dynamics. Hess and McAvoy promote a coherent plan for providing students with a non-partisan political education and for improving the quality of classroom deliberations.
Chapter 1 highlights a challenge that all schools face: how can educators teach young people about politics in such a way that schools do not become partisan institutions We highlight this challenge using two examples. The first is the partisan uproar that occurred when President Obama delivered an opening day speech to schoolchildren during his first term. The second recounts a professional disagreement in 1843 between Horace Mann and a school leader who took his students to an abolitionist meeting. These examples show that schools are, and ought to be, political sites, and educators need to learn how to teach about and respond to political controversy. Next, we explain what we mean by the political classroom and outline the book's purposes: (1) to present study findings on what students learn and experience in classes that include deliberations about controversial political issues; (2) discuss how teachers can make professional judgments about ethical dilemmas within the political classroom using a framework of aims, context, and evidence.
In chapter 2, we discuss the study's social and political context, its importance for interpreting the findings we present and for thinking about the professional judgment of teachers. We show that the students in our study have grown up in a political culture of polarization which has exacerbated public distrust. Drawing upon the work of political scientists we identify the major causes of polarization: party purification, increasing income inequality, immigration policy, changes in journalistic practices, and residential sorting (the increasing like-mindedness of communities in the United States). We argue that polarization, segregation, and tracking policies are detrimental for learning within the political classroom. Additionally, we show how the media and demographic factors, particularly differences among Millennials and older generations, affect political views and political engagement of young people. This chapter concludes with a description of the mixed-method longitudinal study of what students experience and learn in high school courses that include discussions of controversial political issues that is discussed throughout the book.
We present the major findings of the study and provide evidence for our view that teaching young people to discuss political controversies is an important component of democratic education. This chapter is divided into three parts. We begin by explaining that the teachers� classes we studied differed by the quality and quantity of discussion, creating three categories: Best Practice Discussion, Discussion, and Lecture. We then explain the differences in how students experience and learn in these three types of classes, focusing on what we learned from observations and interviews together with pre- and post-course surveys and phone interviews. Next, we explain two other factors that influenced the outcomes we measured: the knowledge, civic and political experiences, and civic dispositions students started with at the beginning of the class (which we call their �prior civic exposure�) and their socioeconomic status (SES). We find that students in Best Practice classes demonstrate increased political knowledge and interest in politics. They are also more likely to intend on voting in the future. However, the findings also suggest that social class differences predict which students are likely to become politically engaged adults�an inequality of outcomes that poses an important challenge for democratic education.
In chapter 4, we examine the aims of the political classroom: political equality, tolerance, autonomy, fairness, engagement, and political literacy. We define what educational aims are and how they differ from outcomes and content. We argue that the art of professional judgment requires teachers to keep these aims in mind, consider which aim/s ought to take priority in particular circumstances, be aware of how research and evidence bears on the situation, and consider options as they relate to the particular context. However, it is not the case that all six aims carry equal weight at all times. To illustrate this, we discuss a lesson from Ms. Potter's class, a teacher from the study who teaches 9th grade geography in an all-girls Catholic High School with a social justice mission.
Chapter 5 focuses on the government teachers at Adams High, a socially and politically diverse suburban public school where the 12th-grade government course is structured around a legislative simulation. Ms. Heller, Ms. Matthews, and Mr. Hempstead run the simulation and teach toward the aim of �inclusive participation.� The simulation involves the entire senior class, is non-tracked, and is carefully scaffolded to teach students to discuss policy issues with their peers in an open forum. We find that students who participate in this simulation learn about the legislative process, but also the values of deliberative democracy: reason giving, civil discourse, evaluation of arguments, and solutions for the common good. Students from Adams also report an increased interest in political issues, respect for civil discourse, and willingness to talk about politics with family and friends. The chapter also discusses how English Language Learners experience the simulation and what the teachers do to promote inclusion.
Chapter 6 focuses on Mr. Kushner�s Contemporary Controversies course at Academy High, an urban public school that is diverse along dimensions of race and social class. It is also one of three schools that we label a politically �like-minded school,� and it is the most left-leaning school in the study. We discuss how this context shapes Mr. Kushner�s aim of developing what Danielle Allen (2004) calls �political friendship� through two discussion challenges: political polarization and inequalities based on race and social class. The chapter discusses how Mr. Kushner structures conversations about racially charged political issues and how the same lesson plays out quite differently depending on the class demographics. We find that students from Academy High continue to be highly politically engaged and left-leaning as they move into adulthood. Mr. Kushner's students report a great appreciation for his emphasis on learning about diverse political perspectives and the democratic community that he creates in the classroom. We argue that teaching the habits of political friendship is teaching toward a civic ideal with the hope that over time goodwill can transform a distrustful the political sphere.
Chapter 7 introduces Mr. Walters at King High, a private evangelical Christian school. King High, a like-minded school, has the most conservative students in the study. We discuss Mr. Walters� aim of developing what we call �bounded autonomy� among his students. That is, he would like students to remain committed to their Christian faith, while developing political independence. We find that compared to students in politically Diverse Schools, students in Like-Minded Schools were more likely to keep up with news, report that their family and friends believe it is important to follow current events, and engage in political activities. The longitudinal data show that those who grew up in like-minded schools continue to identify with the partisan beliefs of their school communities and vote at a higher rate than their peers who grew up in diverse communities. This chapter discusses how the educational aim of autonomy is often in tension a parent's interest in raising children who adhere to the family's values.
Chapter 8 explores ethical dilemmas about which controversial political issues should be included in the curriculum. We explain various criteria that could be used by teachers to determine whether an issue is a legitimate political controversy, one with multiple and competing views. We also draw a distinction between empirical questions and political questions and argue that the political classroom should (a) teach students to see the difference and (b) prepare students to deliberate controversial political issues. Understanding this distinction will help teachers to make choices about which questions are �open� and useful for discussion. Among our findings is that some controversial political issues are especially sensitive for teachers, even when there is no question about whether they are �open� in the political world. For example, some teachers are leery of teaching about immigration issues if they know that some of their students are undocumented. Using our framework for professional judgment, we show how teachers should approach the question of when it is ethical to include or exclude issues that may be especially sensitive or personally challenging for some students.
Chapter 9 addresses teachers� decisions to withhold or disclose their political views to students in class. With examples from Mr. Dunn, Mr. Walters, and Ms. Brown we illustrate how issues selection and a teacher�s decision to include or not to include his views in the discussion are (a) interrelated and (b) affected by evidence, aims, and context. We introduce the concept of "political seepage" with Ms. Brown, who intends to withhold her views, but they "seep" or "spill" into the classroom. We conclude that teachers ought to think about disclosing and withholding their political views as pedagogical tools that should be used intentionally and with good judgment. Overall, we argue that these professional judgments will be better made with attention to evidence, context, and the aims of the political classroom.
In chapter 10, we address the question of "what should be done to make it more likely that young people will receive a high-quality democratic education" We conclude with recommendations for how teachers ought to think about creating a political classroom, given the challenges posed by growing political polarization and social inequality. Despite the challenges, we argue that teachers should not to shy away from political controversy and instead see their job as helping students to develop the skills and dispositions of deliberation so that young people are able to practice listening, reason-giving, and considering how their views affect others. Further, because classrooms are �unusual political spaces� in which young people develop their political identities, we argue that students deserve the opportunity to puzzle about the political issues they are inheriting in a way that models good thinking and reasoning. It is these experiences that best prepare future citizens to answer the question, �How should we live together�
Helping students develop their ability to deliberate political questions is an essential component of democratic education, but introducing political issues into the classroom is pedagogically challenging and raises ethical dilemmas for teachers. Diana E. Hess and Paula McAvoy argue that teachers will make better professional judgments about these issues if they aim toward creating �political classrooms,� which engage students in deliberations about questions that ask, �How should we live together�
Based on the findings from a large, mixed-method study about discussions of political issues within high school classrooms, The Political Classroom presents in-depth and engaging cases of teacher practice. Paying particular attention to how political polarization and social inequality affect classroom dynamics. Hess and McAvoy promote a coherent plan for providing students with a non-partisan political education and for improving the quality of classroom deliberations.
Chapter 1 highlights a challenge that all schools face: how can educators teach young people about politics in such a way that schools do not become partisan institutions We highlight this challenge using two examples. The first is the partisan uproar that occurred when President Obama delivered an opening day speech to schoolchildren during his first term. The second recounts a professional disagreement in 1843 between Horace Mann and a school leader who took his students to an abolitionist meeting. These examples show that schools are, and ought to be, political sites, and educators need to learn how to teach about and respond to political controversy. Next, we explain what we mean by the political classroom and outline the book's purposes: (1) to present study findings on what students learn and experience in classes that include deliberations about controversial political issues; (2) discuss how teachers can make professional judgments about ethical dilemmas within the political classroom using a framework of aims, context, and evidence.
In chapter 2, we discuss the study's social and political context, its importance for interpreting the findings we present and for thinking about the professional judgment of teachers. We show that the students in our study have grown up in a political culture of polarization which has exacerbated public distrust. Drawing upon the work of political scientists we identify the major causes of polarization: party purification, increasing income inequality, immigration policy, changes in journalistic practices, and residential sorting (the increasing like-mindedness of communities in the United States). We argue that polarization, segregation, and tracking policies are detrimental for learning within the political classroom. Additionally, we show how the media and demographic factors, particularly differences among Millennials and older generations, affect political views and political engagement of young people. This chapter concludes with a description of the mixed-method longitudinal study of what students experience and learn in high school courses that include discussions of controversial political issues that is discussed throughout the book.
We present the major findings of the study and provide evidence for our view that teaching young people to discuss political controversies is an important component of democratic education. This chapter is divided into three parts. We begin by explaining that the teachers� classes we studied differed by the quality and quantity of discussion, creating three categories: Best Practice Discussion, Discussion, and Lecture. We then explain the differences in how students experience and learn in these three types of classes, focusing on what we learned from observations and interviews together with pre- and post-course surveys and phone interviews. Next, we explain two other factors that influenced the outcomes we measured: the knowledge, civic and political experiences, and civic dispositions students started with at the beginning of the class (which we call their �prior civic exposure�) and their socioeconomic status (SES). We find that students in Best Practice classes demonstrate increased political knowledge and interest in politics. They are also more likely to intend on voting in the future. However, the findings also suggest that social class differences predict which students are likely to become politically engaged adults�an inequality of outcomes that poses an important challenge for democratic education.
In chapter 4, we examine the aims of the political classroom: political equality, tolerance, autonomy, fairness, engagement, and political literacy. We define what educational aims are and how they differ from outcomes and content. We argue that the art of professional judgment requires teachers to keep these aims in mind, consider which aim/s ought to take priority in particular circumstances, be aware of how research and evidence bears on the situation, and consider options as they relate to the particular context. However, it is not the case that all six aims carry equal weight at all times. To illustrate this, we discuss a lesson from Ms. Potter's class, a teacher from the study who teaches 9th grade geography in an all-girls Catholic High School with a social justice mission.
Chapter 5 focuses on the government teachers at Adams High, a socially and politically diverse suburban public school where the 12th-grade government course is structured around a legislative simulation. Ms. Heller, Ms. Matthews, and Mr. Hempstead run the simulation and teach toward the aim of �inclusive participation.� The simulation involves the entire senior class, is non-tracked, and is carefully scaffolded to teach students to discuss policy issues with their peers in an open forum. We find that students who participate in this simulation learn about the legislative process, but also the values of deliberative democracy: reason giving, civil discourse, evaluation of arguments, and solutions for the common good. Students from Adams also report an increased interest in political issues, respect for civil discourse, and willingness to talk about politics with family and friends. The chapter also discusses how English Language Learners experience the simulation and what the teachers do to promote inclusion.
Chapter 6 focuses on Mr. Kushner�s Contemporary Controversies course at Academy High, an urban public school that is diverse along dimensions of race and social class. It is also one of three schools that we label a politically �like-minded school,� and it is the most left-leaning school in the study. We discuss how this context shapes Mr. Kushner�s aim of developing what Danielle Allen (2004) calls �political friendship� through two discussion challenges: political polarization and inequalities based on race and social class. The chapter discusses how Mr. Kushner structures conversations about racially charged political issues and how the same lesson plays out quite differently depending on the class demographics. We find that students from Academy High continue to be highly politically engaged and left-leaning as they move into adulthood. Mr. Kushner's students report a great appreciation for his emphasis on learning about diverse political perspectives and the democratic community that he creates in the classroom. We argue that teaching the habits of political friendship is teaching toward a civic ideal with the hope that over time goodwill can transform a distrustful the political sphere.
Chapter 7 introduces Mr. Walters at King High, a private evangelical Christian school. King High, a like-minded school, has the most conservative students in the study. We discuss Mr. Walters� aim of developing what we call �bounded autonomy� among his students. That is, he would like students to remain committed to their Christian faith, while developing political independence. We find that compared to students in politically Diverse Schools, students in Like-Minded Schools were more likely to keep up with news, report that their family and friends believe it is important to follow current events, and engage in political activities. The longitudinal data show that those who grew up in like-minded schools continue to identify with the partisan beliefs of their school communities and vote at a higher rate than their peers who grew up in diverse communities. This chapter discusses how the educational aim of autonomy is often in tension a parent's interest in raising children who adhere to the family's values.
Chapter 8 explores ethical dilemmas about which controversial political issues should be included in the curriculum. We explain various criteria that could be used by teachers to determine whether an issue is a legitimate political controversy, one with multiple and competing views. We also draw a distinction between empirical questions and political questions and argue that the political classroom should (a) teach students to see the difference and (b) prepare students to deliberate controversial political issues. Understanding this distinction will help teachers to make choices about which questions are �open� and useful for discussion. Among our findings is that some controversial political issues are especially sensitive for teachers, even when there is no question about whether they are �open� in the political world. For example, some teachers are leery of teaching about immigration issues if they know that some of their students are undocumented. Using our framework for professional judgment, we show how teachers should approach the question of when it is ethical to include or exclude issues that may be especially sensitive or personally challenging for some students.
Chapter 9 addresses teachers� decisions to withhold or disclose their political views to students in class. With examples from Mr. Dunn, Mr. Walters, and Ms. Brown we illustrate how issues selection and a teacher�s decision to include or not to include his views in the discussion are (a) interrelated and (b) affected by evidence, aims, and context. We introduce the concept of "political seepage" with Ms. Brown, who intends to withhold her views, but they "seep" or "spill" into the classroom. We conclude that teachers ought to think about disclosing and withholding their political views as pedagogical tools that should be used intentionally and with good judgment. Overall, we argue that these professional judgments will be better made with attention to evidence, context, and the aims of the political classroom.
In chapter 10, we address the question of "what should be done to make it more likely that young people will receive a high-quality democratic education" We conclude with recommendations for how teachers ought to think about creating a political classroom, given the challenges posed by growing political polarization and social inequality. Despite the challenges, we argue that teachers should not to shy away from political controversy and instead see their job as helping students to develop the skills and dispositions of deliberation so that young people are able to practice listening, reason-giving, and considering how their views affect others. Further, because classrooms are �unusual political spaces� in which young people develop their political identities, we argue that students deserve the opportunity to puzzle about the political issues they are inheriting in a way that models good thinking and reasoning. It is these experiences that best prepare future citizens to answer the question, �How should we live together�
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